SPEECH BY
IMRON COTAN, CHARGE D'AFFAIRES AD INTERIM
INDONESIAN EMBASSY, CANBERRA
AT SEMINAR ON DEMOCRATIZATION AND CONFLICT IN INDONESIA,
GRIFFITH UNIVERSITY, 29 AUGUST 2002In the name of God the most compassionate and merciful,
May peace be upon us all,
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and gentlemen,
At the outset, I wish to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Indonesian Students' Association of Queensland for inviting me to speak before so many prominent pundits on Indonesian affairs to dwell upon an indeed challenging issue pertinent to democratization and conflict in our beloved country. I firmly believe that the organizing of this seminar truly reflects the students' care for the wellbeing and the better future of Indonesia. It will be less than candid should one expect that this seminar would provide an antidote to the multi-faceted problems, with which Indonesia is continuously being encountered, I hope nonetheless that this intellectual undertaking would be able to contribute to finding ways and means to solve those delicate problems.Ladies and gentlemen,
There are a number of elements that make Indonesia vulnerable to conflicts. Indonesia hosts 220 million inhabitants and more than 350 ethnic groups and consists of 17.500 islands where all major religions are also present, making it thereby the most geographically and demographically diverse country in the world as to see it currently still remains intact is indeed a near-miracle phenomenon. Former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Afghanistan are the most recent examples as how diversities can indeed lead to disintegration.
There have been at least two phenomena that need to be factored in as far as Indonesia's unity is concerned in the course of its contemporary history. First, the presence of the gruesome colonial powers had been able to glue Indonesians in their determination to free themselves from the occupying forces; and secondly, the heavy-handed policy practiced by the New Order Government under General (retired) Soeharto. Indeed, while in power President Soeharto tolerated no conflicts or dissenting views under the pretext of safeguarding the nation's unity, bringing in a semblance of peace and harmony to this diverse country.
This seemingly harmonious situation rapidly crumbled when the economic crisis followed by the political turmoil engulfed Indonesia in 1997 - 1998. The usually available economic resources - especially for the elites - drastically dwindled, forcing them thereby to manipulate primordial sentiments to maintain access to these finite resources. Indonesia has ever since been marred by unrelenting horizontal conflicts to the detriment of those innocent people. It is to be however acknowledged that this dire situation has also led the Indonesian people to a new era - era of reforms - the hurly-burly of which you have been familiar with thanks partly or wholly to the media freedom in Indonesia which allows you to follow the political developments in the country on a 'minute-to-minute' basis.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The democratization of Indonesia started when President Soeharto forced to resign and President B.J. Habibie took over the national leadership, the process of which fortunately continued to be carried out successively by President Abdurrahman Wahid and the incumbent President Megawati Soekarnoputri. Indeed in this so young and diverse country the peaceful transition from one leader to another has to be fairly commended.
The newly found democratic values have created a sense of confidence among the people, readying themselves to get involved in the decision-making process. The new environment has given them more opportunity to freely express their opinion and views and enjoy their right to assemble, and this goes hand-in-hand with the freedom of the press of which we can proudly now claim as the freest in Asia, if not in the whole world. The parliament has played an assertive role so as to create a real 'check and balance' of the government. Many experts even said that nowadays the parliament has too strong a role to play which - more often than not - prevents the government to properly conduct its business to run the country. The democratic process has also been devolving down to the regional level through the introduction of the regional autonomy package.
I should also admit that there are still a large number of Indonesians trying to come to grips with this political change which has been both a complicated and delicate task. The opportunities and challenges it created have occasionally resulted in unwanted consequences, such as the conflicts that have permeated certain parts of Indonesia which have become inseparable from the human rights issue and the issue of law enforcement.
Ladies and gentlemen,
One of the crucial aspects that has been addressed in the democratization process was amending the constitution since the Indonesian people found that the constitution was no longer able to sufficiently address the growing political demands of the people. Being democratically elected, both the government and the parliamentarians have been responsive to such demands, and indeed have worked tirelessly to formulate ways and means to cater for the demands that should be enshrined within the amended constitution. Since the 1999 election, the parliament has endorsed a series of 1945 Constitution amendments, including the amendments made at the 2002 People's Consultative Assembly Annual Session recently held. A number of important amendments were adopted in this year's session. This includes the decision to conduct a direct presidential election; to terminate the military (TNI) representation in the Assembly, and the establishment of constitution committee to further amend the constitution in line with the people's aspirations. Previously, the government had also introduced two bills into the parliament in relation to the task of preparing the General Election in 2004, besides installing independent and non-partisan members of the General Election Commission that has been selected by the House of Representatives. We sincerely hope that the presence of those arrangements will inject new blood into our democratic life.
It is indeed interesting to note that withdrawal of the military from Indonesia's domestic politics has actually initiated by themselves, clearly indicating TNI's willingness to succumb to public demand. By so doing, the military have opted to focus on promoting professionalism to perform its constitutional duties to repel any security threats - be it from within or from without.It is important to keep in mind, however, that under this current situation, the military are in a dilemmatic situation, whereas on one hand they are required to perform their constitutional duties to defend the national and territorial integrity of the country vis-à-vis the armed rebels, especially in Aceh and West Papua, while on the other hand they have to avoid being accused of abusing human rights.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me turn to the conflicts that have permeated into several parts of Indonesia that can be categorized as communal in nature - as we can see in Ambon and Poso - and rebellious - as in the case of Aceh and West Papua.
Many believe that the communal conflicts raging in Maluku and Poso are not initially related to religious differences, but in fact have to do with controlling the finite resources severely dwindled by the economic crisis. Indeed, in an attempt to remain in control over these limited resources, some irresponsible quarters are not hesitant to employ heinous tactics such as manipulating the religious and racial sentiments to gain short-term objectives.
Over the years the government has been frantically trying to find solutions to the communal conflicts, including taking the initiative to bring the conflicting parties to the negotiation table. As a result, the conflicting parties both in Poso and Maluku reached agreements respectively called 'Malino Accord I' and 'Malino Accord II' to end these tragic conflicts. Ever since the agreements were concluded, the situation has generally improved. Both the community leaders and security personnel have made concerted efforts to maintain a secure, safe, and peaceful environment while keeping in mind that there are still certain irresponsible people from both sides of the conflicts unprepared to have such a peaceful environment. In addition, the government is continuing with a reconstruction program and the rehabilitation of various infrastructures, addressing the 'internally displaced persons' caused by the conflicts, taking legal action against the perpetrators as well maintaining law and order.
Unfortunately, some have recently attempted to sabotage these mutually agreed agreements by provoking the conflicting parties to resume hostilities, especially in Poso. The government is determined to root out these irresponsible elements and bring them to justice as to allow the locals to resume their normal life.
One of the important factors that had reduced in the tension was the positive response from the conflicting parties to the government's call to voluntarily surrender their weapons, including hundreds of military standard assault rifles. The people have started to resume their social and economic activities. The revival of economic activities is absolutely key to solving the conflicts in these regions as I have previously indicated. Indeed, only through the improvement of people's welfare will the peace become sustainable. In fact it is considered to be the only cure to the predicaments Indonesia is now facing. It is against this backdrop that we highly value the helping hands of our friendly countries and the international financial institutions, such as, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to help Indonesia exit from this multi-faceted crises.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The conflicts in Aceh and West Papua have different roots and basically stem out from the injustices and exploitative policies of the previous administrations which drained these regions off their wealths. Without blaming anybody or seeking scapegoats, the current government is working hard to rectify and address those problems by implementing a reasonable and sensible 'middle-way solution'.
The government has set up policies by stressing, on one hand, that those policies should be carried out without undermining its constitutional duty which is to maintain the national and territorial integrity of the country, while on the other hand, providing ways and means of addressing the grievances of the people in those provinces. The government has thus started to implement the special autonomy law to these provinces. In the case of Aceh, the government has made it clear that it remains committed to holding dialogue with the armed rebels, accelerating the regions economic development, social rehabilitation, law enforcement and protection of human rights, restoration of peace, and building channels of information and communication. All these comprehensive and integrated approaches are in line with the Special Autonomy for the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD). Unfortunately, the rebels have so far rejected the 2002 May Agreement concluded in Geneva, saying that the law is merely designed put an end to separatism in the region.
The rebels continue their violence and acts of terror by way of kidnapping and killings, hostage taking, blowing up government and public facilities, and burning down public schools, forcing innocent students to abandon their study, and put squarely the blame on to the military. These circumstances have forced the government to take stern action by implementing the following policies: first, maintaining a comprehensive approach on Aceh by giving priority to restoring security by combating the armed rebels, enforcing law and protecting human rights, expediting economic development, pursuing dialogue, and pursuing rehabilitation, reconciliation and amnesty; secondly, reviving the dialogue only if the rebels accept the NAD Law; thirdly, requesting the rebels to accept the special autonomy status, and end their armed struggle; fourthly, continuing the security approach in order to protect the civilians and ensure that the government services continue; fifthly, intensifying the security operations if the rebels refuse to accept the offer; sixthly, focusing the Infrastructure development on secure areas in Aceh; and, seventhly, intensifying the law enforcement across the province.
It is to be acknowledged however that the security apparatus operating in Aceh have also committed wrongdoings due to the guerrilla nature of the conflict in which it is absolutely difficult to distinguish between combatants and non-combatants. Portraying the difficulties encountered by the military, Don Greenlees of the Australian once reported that even 'a boy riding a bicycle can turn to be an enemy'.
Similarly in Papua, the Indonesian government has also enacted a special autonomy law for the province. Under the law, the Papuan people will have greater opportunity to manage their own affairs and resources, except in the areas of defense, fiscal, and monetary policy, foreign policy and religious affairs. They will have greater say in the decision-making policies affecting their wellbeing and cultural identity. The province will have a Papuan People's Consultative Assembly (MRP), which would function to protect the rights of the local people and whose membership would consist of public figures representing the entire province, including tribal, cultural as well as religious and women's groups. In terms of its powers, it will have the authority to nominate and approve all local government appointments, including that of the Papuan Governor; to draft bills; and to process and to attend to peoples' complaints. On the question of revenue sharing, in addition to the increased assistance already committed to be paid to Papua in 2002 under the general allocation funding arrangements, the new law stipulates that 80 percent of government revenues collected from forestry and fishery and 70 percent of revenue from oil and gas and mining will be redistributed to the province. In addition, the Papuan people will be allowed to have their own flag and provincial anthem, which will feature a cultural symbol, but would not be taken as a symbol of sovereignty. In addition, the law provides authority for the province to set up cooperation with foreign parties to promote the province's interests.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I have recently met with one of those self-appointed advocates of an independent West Papua. I was bewildered to know the fact that he has not read the 2001 Special Autonomy Law, let alone understand the unbearable consequences the international community would sustain if Indonesia disintegrates. Indeed, a disintegrated Indonesia will definitely pose serious threats to the regional and international peace and security. Allowing West Papua - or Aceh for that matter - to break away might well serve as a triggering factor for Indonesia to totally crumble which would, in turn, send chilling effects to the surrounding countries, including Australia. It would be easy to imagine that in such an event thousands if not millions of people would run out of the country to seek refuge, bringing with them many attending problems of gigantic proportions, such as, inter alia illegal migrants and human trafficking. I can assure you that it would make the Tampa and SIEV X incidents as a mere ripple in the ocean.
I wish therefore to call upon those Indonesia's watchers to refrain from making reckless comments that may worsen the situation. Let the Indonesians deal with their internal problems. I am convinced that as a nation we are well-equipped to navigate through this turbulent period. The history has proven that Indonesians are resilient and possess the qualities to bring the country back to its feet. I am also convinced that one day - soon enough - we will be able to create a great democratic nation where all human-beings are equally treated, regardless of their races, ethnicities, religions, and skin-colors.
To conclude, I wish to appeal to our friends here in Australia to continue lending their helping hands as to allow the Indonesian people to achieve such a lofty objective.
Thank you.
Brisbane, 29 August 2002
Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, Canberra - Australia