Separatist Movements

        As soon as the territory of Papua was reunited with the rest of Indonesia, separatist movements in the region began to emerge. The origins of the separatist movements can be traced back to the post-independence period of Indonesia when the Dutch began to lose control of its possession in the then East Indies. Fearing that Papua would become a part of the newly born Indonesia, the Netherlands began to encourage political development by allowing political parties, as well as the creation of local armed units, while at the same time discouraging parties who preferred integration with Indonesia.

        The embryo of the separatist movements in Papua was established in 1960 in Manokwari as the Papuan Voluntary Battalion or Papua Vrijwillwegers Korps/PVK. Their target was to interrupt the reunification of Papua with the Republic of Indonesia. The movement that was later known as the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka/OPM) then spread into other parts of the sparsely populated region and emerged into a number of distinctive groups led by different leaders and adhering to different orientations. Each group claimed to be the real OPM and occasionally used the National Liberation Army/OPM (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional/TPN-OPM) as their designation. Each group had only around 100 members and operated with homemade weapons, but each had the potential to disrupt the peace and threaten the security of the region.

        These armed groups often utilized kidnapping and hostage taking to frighten and threaten the people. In January 1996, twelve members of the scientific Lorentz Expedition were kidnapped and held hostage for four months by the OPM led by Kelly Kwalik. On May 5, 1999 the TPN/OPM led by Hans Bonay kidnapped eleven transmigrants in Jayapura and held them hostage until May 31, 1999. In January 2001 the TPN/OPM led by Willem Onde abducted sixteen workers of a Korean timber company, including two Koreans, and held them hostage for a number of weeks. In June 2001, two Belgians were held hostage by the TPN/OPM led by Kelly Kwalik and were not released until August 2001.

        Since the end of President Soeharto's government in May 1998 and in conjunction with the wave of reforms in many parts of Indonesia, the Papuans felt free to voice their aspirations and to campaign more actively for an independent Papua. Separatist activities in the form of peaceful movements were increasingly more pronounced, notably carried out by the political wing of the separatist movements. The Papuan Presidium Council (Presidium Dewan Papua/PDP) led by Theys Hiyo Eluay became the principal organization that advocates independence and stresses on political means. In its nation-wide and international campaigns the organization demanded independence they believed had been granted by the Dutch on December 1, 1961 and insisted on a referendum and a reformulation of the history of the Act of Free Choice in 1969. They also cited human rights abuses as the main issue.

        The Separatist movements can be divided into two categories, the political and the armed. Even though these two main groups have the same agenda, they do not work together, let alone conduct coordinated joint actions. Each strives for the same purpose independently.

        In the present era of reform, the Indonesian Government tolerates political activities as part of the exercise of freedom of speech. From raising the Morning Star flag, to distributing political pamphlets, the separatists also stage mass demonstrations and gatherings to mobilize support and articulate their demands to the Indonesian Government and international community.

        It has always been the priority of the Indonesian Government to preserve the integrity of the nation by maintaining the Province of Papua within the Republic of Indonesia. Indonesian leaders established continuing dialog between Papuans and the government, particularly after May 1998. President Habibie, who succeeded President Soeharto, held a meeting with Team 100, a delegation of 100 Papuans in February 1999. The leader of Team 100, Thom Beanal, read a statement announcing their wish to secede from the unitary state of Indonesia and establish an independent Papua. The President requested the team to rethink their demands, but they instead made use of the opportunity to reinforce Papuan resistance.

        President Abdurrahman Wahid, who succeeded President Habibie, continued the policy of dialog and consultation. The President made an important gesture by allowing the Morning Star flag to be flown next to but not higher than the national flag.

        The President also permitted the name "Papua" to be applied to the province, although this was not subsequently endorsed by Parliament.

        It was also during President Wahid's administration that the Papuan Presidium Council, established during the Papuan Mass Consultation (Musyawarah Besar Papua) on February 23-26, 2000, convened the second Papuan Congress on May 29-June 4, 2000 in Jayapura. The President facilitated the convening of the congress by donating one billion rupiahs and giving his full blessing. Government officials also attended the congress. The congress, however, ended up with calls for Papuan independence and rejected the New York Agreement that it deemed legally flawed because, according to them, it excluded Papuan representatives. It also rejected the Act of Free Choice of 1969 and asked the United Nations, the United States and the Netherlands to reconsider their involvement in the process of reunifying West Papua with Indonesia.

        The Indonesian government rejected the results of the congress because the Presidium dishonored its commitment to make use of the congress as a forum for discourse in rethinking Papuan history in the context of the unitary state of Indonesia. While keeping its commitment to foster dialog in finding a solution to the Papuan issue, the government also promised to act firmly against any attempt to implement the resolutions of the Papuan Congress. However, the Presidium came out with greater standing following the congress that had the support and financial assistance of the government.

        The raising of the Morning Star flag has always been used by the Papuans as a form of asserting their identity and associated with acts of defiance against Indonesian authority. In October 2000 the Indonesian Government eventually banned the flying of the Morning Star flag, because it was being flown with the idea of separatism in mind. The government also rejected the notion that the Papuan Presidium Council had obtained the mandate of the Papuan people to advance the struggle for independence, but considered it as a forum to facilitate reconciliation.

        In October 2000 the Presidium attended the Pacific Islands Forum in Kiribati as a member of the Nauru delegation. Nauru and Vanuatu have declared their support for an independent West Papua. The Papuan issue failed to gain the full support of the Forum apart from Nauru and Vanuatu, but received a mention in the final communiqué, despite the reluctance of the Australian, New Zealand, and Papua New Guinea governments. The communiqué expressed deep concern for the violence and loss of lives in the Indonesian province of Irian Jaya and called on the Indonesian Government as the sovereign authority and secessionist groups to resolve their differences peacefully through dialog and consultation.

        The international community supports a unified Indonesia with Papua as one of its provinces. International support was again demonstrated by the Pacific Islands Forum during its August 2001 conference in Nauru. For the first time Indonesia attended as a Dialog Partner of the Forum. However, this time the Papuan Presidium Council was not included in the Nauru delegation. The Forum's communiqué, again, urged Indonesia to seek a peaceful solution through dialog with the parties concerned and voiced concerns about the continuing violence and loss of lives. It also welcomed the Special Autonomy proposed by the Indonesian Government.

        In November 2000 a number of senior Presidium leaders were arrested and detained, including the head of the Presidium Theys Hiyo Eluay, on charges of subversion. They were in detention until March 2001. The first trial began in May 2001 and to have been continued after the death of Theys Hiyo Eluay on November 12, 2001.

        
Special Autonomy

        A fundamental problem faced by the Indonesian Government regarding Papua is the local resentment towards the central government and social discontent arising from the generally perceived lack of a just and equitable economic distribution. This resentment and the constant call for independence stem from deep-rooted grounds. The reunification of Papua with Indonesia in 1963 was not seen to have brought about improved welfare, wealth, and an affirmation of the basic rights of the Papuans. Education, the economy, the culture, and the socio-politics of the Papuan community were considered to be under par compared to other provinces. Another source of resentment towards the government is its lack of understanding of local customary law and alliance rights controlled by customary community with regard to tribal land ownership. While concessions for forest areas have been given to some private companies and transmigration areas developed, land disputes remain unresolved. In addition, human rights issues and denial to the rights of the Papuans for improved welfare have not been appropriately addressed.

        The reforms that developed following changes in May 1998 gave way to more pronounced yet peaceful calls for secession of the province from Indonesia. This, in turn, has cultivated new hopes for self-government in Papua. The Indonesian Government has fully recognized the especially unique characteristics of Papua and believes that a special autonomy is called for with regard to the region. Independence is not the answer for Papua and the government remains committed to maintaining the unity of the Republic of Indonesia. This policy would enable the Papuans to manage their own political and economic development, and offers the best prospects for a long-term resolution of problems that have long been associated with Papua. It also gives the opportunity for the province to catch up with the other more developed provinces in Indonesia.

        It is accurate to say that the concept of special autonomy is not new to the Papuans. President Soekarno promised autonomy to West Irian when it was reunited with Indonesia. This was legislated by Law No. 12/1969. Unfortunately, this law was never actually implemented. Since President Soeharto, successive governments have also many times promised a special autonomy for Papua. The promise has only just materialized in 2001 under the administration of President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

        The special autonomy this government has offered to the people of Papua is based on the recognition of the uniqueness of the local cultures of the province. It was developed and will be implemented by observing the basic values of the Papuans that derives from strong traditions, nationalism based on universal humanity, and respect for democracy and human rights. Specifically, the respect for the traditional cultures of the Papuans, democracy, regard for morality and ethics, respect for human rights, supremacy of law, respect for pluralism, and emancipation as regards status, rights and responsibility as fellow citizens.

        After months of deliberation, the Draft Law on Special Autonomy for Papua was endorsed by Parliament on October 22, 2001. It became law after it was signed by President Megawati Sukarnoputri in December 2001 and came into effect in January 2002. It will be complemented with nine government regulations and two presidential decrees that serve as accompanying regulations needed for its implementation.

        In the Law on Special Autonomy for Papua, the Papuans are recognized as a phylum of the Melanesian race, which is one of the many ethnic groups of Indonesia, and has its own cultures, history, traditions, and languages. It is also recognized that the government administration and the implementation of development in the region thus far has not entirely fulfilled the people's sense of justice, enabled the achievement of prosperity for the people, uphold the law enforcement, and indicated respect for the human rights of the people. Moreover, it also acknowledges that the management of natural wealth of the Province has not been employed to the maximum to improve the living standards of the local community. This has consequently caused a gap between the Province of Papua and other regions and was a violation of the fundamental rights of the local Papuans.

        The Special Autonomy for Papua is basically a devolution of central authority, more equitable sharing and distribution of revenues, and acknowledgement of the unique cultures, traditions, and heritage of the people of Papua. Special Autonomy is an opportunity for self-government in Papua that can bring about the aspired economic development and welfare. Under the Law on Special Autonomy, the province has the authority in all sectors of government except in foreign affairs, defense, monetary affairs, and the Supreme Court.

        In recognition of the Papuan identity, in addition to the national symbols, the province is to have its own flag, its own anthem, and its own coat of arms. Rather than symbols of sovereignty, the symbols are forms of identity that reflect the greatness and culture of the illustrious identity of the Papuans and will serve as strings that bind the diverse Papuan people and cultures.

        One of the main objectives of the Special Autonomy is the protection and promotion of the traditional culture and rights of the Papuans. This is manifested through the setting up of two houses of parliament. The upper house, the Papuan People's Assembly (Majelis Rakyat Papua/MRP) is the representation of native Papuans consisting of representatives of customary (adat), religions, and women, who will guarantee the political and cultural rights of the Papuans. It will ensure, among others, that a governor and a deputy governor who are native Papuans should govern the Province. The lower house, the Papuan House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua/DPRD) will perform the legislative duties and will consist of representatives from the political parties.

        To establish a more equitable sharing of revenues, the Law on Special Autonomy for Papua stipulates that the province will receive 70 percent royalties from oil exploration and 70 percent royalties from gas exploration for the period of 25 years. This is so that the province will have an opportunity to accelerate its development to a level on a par with other more developed provinces. After 25 years the amount of royalties will be reduced by 20 percent respectively. As a sign of its true commitment, the central government will also allocate 2 percent of the total national allocation fund specifically for the advancement of education and health services in Papua. A calculation for budget year 2002 arrives at the sum of 7 trillion rupiahs, an increase of 100 percent from the previous budget year.

        In economic sector, the law also specifies that the economy of Papua is targeted towards the generating of wealth and improving the welfare of the people and is to be carried out by respecting the rights of the customary community. The economy should be a community-based and every economic transaction by the local government, regencies/municipalities and investors should involve the customary community.

        To uphold, advance, and protect human rights in Papua Province, the government will set up a representative of the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM), a human rights court, and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Papua. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission will be tasked with clarifying the history of Papua in order to enhance the unity and integrity of the Indonesian nation and to draw up and devise reconciliation measures.

        The Special Autonomy for Papua is much more than the autonomy granted to all other provinces by way of Law No. 22/1999 on Regional Government and No. 25/1999 on Financial Equilibrium between Central and Regional Governments. It is more wide-ranging and expected to bring real changes to Papua as has been long aspired for. Together with the continuing dialog between the Papuan people and the central government, it will provide a window of opportunity to achieve stability and prosperity in this easternmost Indonesian province.